The OECD’s latest edition of Health at a Glance shows that medical care is improving in OECD countries, but better prevention and management of chronic diseases is required to reduce costs.
The OECD’s latest edition of Health at a Glance shows that medical care is improving in OECD countries, but better prevention and management of chronic diseases is required to reduce costs.
The Swiss health system is one of the world’s best but must adapt to deal with rising costs and higher rates of cancer, cardiovascular disease and diabetes, according to a new OECD/WHO report.
Health spending continues to rise faster than economic growth in most OECD countries, maintaining a trend observed since the 1970s. Health spending reached 9.5% of GDP on average in 2009, the most recent year for which figures are available, up from 8.8% in 2008, according to OECD Health Data 2011.
Healthcare costs are rising so fast in advanced economies that they will become unaffordable by mid-century without reforms, according to a new OECD report.
Mexico is one of the few OECD countries where gains in life expectancy have not slowed down in recent years. Nevertheless, life expectancy remains approximately five years below the OECD average. Health care expenditure comprises 5.5% of GDP, which is amongst the lowest across OECD countries. Coverage for a core set of health services in Mexico is the lowest in the OECD at 89.3%.
The Netherlands, as other OECD countries, faces the challenge of providing high quality health and long term care services to an ageing population in a cost-efficient manner.
Canada’s population is slightly healthier than the OECD average, considering life expectancy and other general measures of health status. Smoking and alcohol consumption are also a little lower than the OECD average, but obesity rates are high. Indicators for access and quality of care are generally good, achieved with a level of health spending not much higher than the OECD average.
Life expectancy in Canada is one year higher than the OECD average and about three years higher than in the United States, but remains significantly lower than in leading OECD countries (Japan, Spain and Switzerland).
The OECD’s latest edition of Health at a Glance shows that medical care is improving in OECD countries, but better prevention and management of chronic diseases is required to reduce costs.
The United Kingdom spends almost 10% of its GDP on health, about one percentage point higher than the OECD average. This is projected to reach 11.4% by 2030. This level of spending buys strong access to health care, with low levels of inequality, though long-term care services are less accessible. Quality of care indicators are typically close to the OECD average. Health outcomes are fairly good.
The United States spends more on healthcare than any other OECD country, both as a proportion of GDP (16.9%) and per person (USD 10 586). High levels of spending have not translated into people leading longer lives. Life expectancy at birth is two years below the OECD average, and actually declined by over two months between 2012 and 2017.
Life expectancy in the United States is lower than in most other OECD countries for several reasons, including poorer health-related behaviours and the highly fragmented nature of the US health system. The proportion of adults who smoke in the United States is among the lowest in OECD countries, but alcohol consumption is rising and obesity rate is the highest.
The USA has exceptional levels of health-care expenditure, but growth slowed dramatically in recent years, amidst major efforts to close the coverage gap with other OECD countries.
The OECD’s latest edition of Health at a Glance shows that medical care is improving in OECD countries, but better prevention and management of chronic diseases is required to reduce costs.
The quality of care in Norway is generally excellent, as illustrated by the survival rates of patients admitted to the hospital following a heart attack (AMI) or stroke, or after diagnosis for different types of cancer. Norway remains one of the biggest health spenders in the OECD; in 2013, Norway spent more public money on health than any other OECD country.
Kvaliteten på behandlingen det norske helsevesenet tilbyr sine pasienter er generelt meget god. Det bekreftes av overlevelsesstatistikken for pasienter, som har blitt innlagt på sykehus med enten akutt hjerteinfarkt eller hjerneslag, i tillegg til overlevelse av ulike typer kreft.
Excellent population health status and good outcomes associated with acute care reflect a high-performing health system in Norway. Norway’s good health system comes at a cost – Norway’s per capita health expenditure is the highest in Europe.
Poland has narrowed the gap in life expectancy with other EU countries over the past two decades, thanks mainly to reductions in mortality in cardiovascular diseases; still further progress in life expectancy could be achieved by further reductions in risk factors and mortality from cardiovascular diseases and cancer.
The Portuguese National Health Service has responded well to financial pressure, successfully balancing the twin priorities of financial consolidation and continuous quality improvement, according to a new OECD report.
Switzerland enjoys the joint second highest life expectancy at birth among OECD countries, achieved through a generously funded health system. Smoking and alcohol rates are slightly above the OECD average, but obesity rates are very low, with rates among adults only lower in Japan and Korea. While mandatory insurance is in place, high out-of-pocket spending impedes access to care.
Die Gesundheitsausgaben in der Schweiz sind hoch und der Ausgabenanstieg hat sich in den letzten Jahren beschleunigt. Der Marktanteil von Generika in der Schweiz ist relativ gering; die verstärkte Förderung bei Verschreibung und Abgabe von Generika könnte den Anstieg bei den Arzneimittelausgaben verlangsamen.
The Swiss health system is one of the world’s best but must adapt to deal with rising costs and higher rates of cancer, cardiovascular disease and diabetes, according to a new OECD/WHO report.
As we’ve seen so many times over the last three decades, there are people and organizations with bad intentions using this world health crisis to cause digital harm. We may not yet have an answer to cure those with COVID-19, but we have a way to fight the havoc it is causing online.
The National Health Mission (NHM) has advised health workers, who are part of the primary health care (PHC) team, to ensure safety for themselves and
Nearly half of adults in their 50s and early 60s weren't sure they'll be able to afford health insurance after their retirement, and two-thirds worried
COVID-19 pandemic and self isolation are increasing stress and anxiety which in turn affect the quality and duration of sleep. "We are especially vulnerable
Healthy Monday program incorporates a wide range of healthy lifestyle habits to encourage residents to use each Monday to get on a healthier track. The
COVID-19 has made everyone stay-at-home for 21 days. People feel bored by staying within the four walls of their house and eating the same routine diet.
Highlights: Leading a healthy lifestyle could prolong the lifespan of men and women It could also
Maharashtra Health Minister Rajesh Tope announced that all citizens will be covered under the state government's health scheme, and Maharashtra will be the first state to provide free and cashless insurance protection to its people. Speaking to reporters after a Maharashtra Day event in Jalna on Friday, Tope said 85 per cent of the state's population was covered under the Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojana (MJPJAY) at present and the cover will be extended to the remining 15 per cent.
A memorandum was signed to include government, semi- government employees and white ration card holders in the scheme in a bid to prevent private hospitals from overcharging patients, he said. "The government has signed a MoU with the General Insurance Public Sector Association (GIPSA) for treatment of COVID-19 patients at private hospitals in Pune and Mumbai," he said.
Similarly, different packages will be designed for all diseases, to standardise treatment fees at all hospitals, the minister said. Earlier, 496 hospitals were covered in the scheme, but now over 1,000 hospitals will come under it, he said. As per the Disaster Management Act and Epidemic Act, the state government has capped the fees of COVID-19 treatment at private hospitals, the minister said.
Hospitals that don't have tie-ups with the GIPSA will also have to standardise their treatment fees, he added.
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Healthcare systems need to prepare for the extensive physiotherapy and mental rehabilitation that people put on ventilators for covid-19 will need as they recover
Let's bask in the warm sunshine that is wholesome and silly animal photos.
Let the images soak into your skin and heart, and just let that warmth spread to every inch of you.
It's what you need. It's what we all need. And if for some reason this measurable dump of wholesomeness doesn't satisfy you, there's always more wholesomeness to be found.
Pagan healthcare providers discuss how they are coping with the stresses of the pandemic and how the power of their spiritual practices sustains them.
Health savings accounts, or HSAs, will cover Covid-19-related testing and treatment, among other things.
Health experts should be driving the timeline while corporate America and government work together to get the economy through this pandemic.
Health Center Partners: The New Face of Community Health
Healthcare leaders and the public say how they would balance the NHS’ books
Health Center Partners: The New Face of Community Health
The tree that will decorate Rockefeller Center this holiday season was cut down this week - but was it needlessly killed?
Yet more ways that cars and trucks are killing us and ruining cities.
With limited hours in the day, many U.S. schools are prioritizing lesson time over lunch time, leaving kids hungry and miserable.
Please note that this Engelberg Center for Health Care Reform Health Policy Issue Brief first appeared in the Health Affairs Blog on July 31, 2014. Click here for the Health Affairs Blog version.
Individual patient expanded access is a process by which patients can obtain investigational drugs that have not been approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) outside of a clinical trial setting from biopharmaceutical companies when no other alternative therapy is available. Currently, no industry-wide structural principles exist to help companies navigate this process while balancing the needs of getting a drug to the market as quickly as possible with providing potentially life-saving treatment to individual patients. The Engelberg Center convened a stakeholder group to identify common themes and identify common principles related to expanded access, as none currently exist. The result was 4 A’s - Anticipation, Accessibility, Accountability, and Analysis – to help assist patients, providers, and companies with expanded access. Process and capacity building recommendations for the FDA also were proposed to assist companies with sustaining expanded access programs.
Individual patient expanded access, sometimes termed “compassionate use,” refers to situations where access to a drug still in the development process is granted to patients on a case-by-case basis outside of a clinical trial, prior to completion of mandated clinical trials and approval by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). This typically involves filing a single patient or emergency investigational new drug (IND) request with the Food and Drug Administration and voluntary release of the drug by the manufacturer. Generally, the following criteria must be met: there is reasonable expectation of meaningful benefit despite the absence of definitive clinical trial data, the patient has a serious or life-threatening condition, there are no comparable or satisfactory treatment alternatives, and there are no suitable clinical trials for the drug available to the patient. This form of expanded access, which is the focus of this paper, is different from the situation in which a drug is discharged to a large group of needy patients in the interval between successful phase 3 trials and presumed FDA approval, a strategy often termed a “treatment” IND or protocol, which was initially used in the 1980s for releasing zidovudine to patients with acquired immune deficiency syndrome.
The Engelberg Center for Health Care Reform at the Brookings Institution recently invited senior leaders from several pharmaceutical companies, two bioethicists, a senior FDA representative, and a patient advocate to share experiences and discuss organizational strategies related to expanded access (see acknowledgements). A driving factor for this meeting was a recent flurry of highly public cases of desperate patients seeking access to experimental drugs, which lead to social media campaigns and media coverage. Such cases included 7-year-old Josh Hardy (brincidofovir from Chimerix for disseminated adenovirus infection), 45-year-old Andrea Sloan (BMN673 from BioMarin for ovarian cancer), 41-year-old Nick Auden (pembrolizumab from Merck for melanoma), and 6-year-old Jack Fowler (intrathecal idursulfase from Shire for Hunter Syndrome). Expanded access requests to the FDA for new patients are increasing, from 1,000 patients nationwide in 2010 to more than 1,200 in 2012.[i] (This is likely an underestimate, since it does not include appeals made directly to companies.)
In the wake of these events, it became clear that many biopharmaceutical companies had varying experiences and policies related to such access. From the domestic regulatory standpoint, the FDA revised its expanded access regulations in 2009, which define criteria that must be met to authorize expanded access, list requirements for expanded access submissions, describe safeguards that will protect patients, and preserve the ability to develop meaningful data about the use of the drug. Biopharmaceutical companies typically face a complex global environment in which legal and regulatory frameworks can differ substantially. At the meeting, a senior FDA representative indicated the agency has approved over 99 percent of expanded access requests submitted via single patient or emergency INDs since 2009, suggesting the regulatory agency is not a major barrier to expanded access. As such, provided the access request is reasonably related to the potential benefits of the drug, the biopharmaceutical company is almost solely responsible for the decision and liability regarding whether to grant expanded access to an individual. Still, the public belief persists that the FDA is the main bottleneck that restricts access. In April 2014, Representative Morgan Griffith (R-VA) proposed H.R. 4475, The Compassionate Freedom of Choice Act of 2014, designed to restrict the FDA’s ability to prevent the use of investigational drugs in terminally ill patients. Similarly, some states have passed “Right to Try” legislation to reduce FDA oversight, but contains no requirement that companies must make drugs available.[ii]
The goal of our meeting was to identify common themes and possibly broad outlines to suggest industry-wide policies related to expanded access, as none currently exist. The group first discussed background issues related to expanded access and agreed on definitions. The meeting then focused on three topics. First, the group participants who play key roles in evaluating expanded access requests were invited to share narrative experiences in specific clinical cases, in an effort to lay the groundwork for trust and open discussion. Second, the group was asked to identify internal industry-specific structural barriers, such as the existence of clear procedures or tracking mechanisms within companies to handle requests. Finally, the participants reflected on situations in which expanded access may not be appropriate, or where regulatory barriers or liability concerns may hinder expanded access. This paper reflects the authors’ observations and assessment of the internal and external landscape, based upon information provided by the meeting participants.
The FDA allows companies to provide drugs and charge individual patients that do not meet the enrollment criteria for clinical trials geared towards regulatory approval through expanded access programs.[iii] These programs are meant to provide the drug directly to treat the patient’s condition, rather than having the primary goal of collecting efficacy or detailed safety data in support of approval. Before 1987, the FDA lacked formal recognition of expanded access, although investigational drugs were provided informally.[iv] Since then, the FDA has instituted novel classes of individual INDs so that a company sponsor or licensed physician can legally obtain treatment access from the FDA to provide a drug while it is still in the approval process.[v] Essentially, this provides companies a legal exception from the law to ship unapproved drugs across state lines, and if they desire, to charge for them. These INDs are designed solely for the potential benefit of desperate patients and not intended to formally collect safety or efficacy data that could potentially inform a regulatory decision, but can have regulatory impact, nonetheless.
At the outset, several participants objected to the term “compassionate use,” since it introduces inherent value decisions, can emotionally charge discussions, and does not recognize that there may be valid and ethically appropriate reasons for denial. The generally agreed upon term “expanded access,” is used throughout this paper. (One participant suggested the term “early access.”) Ideally, the term would make it obvious that this is access to an unapproved drug, in order to temper expectations of favorable results. Somewhat confusingly, the FDA uses the terms “expanded access,” “access,” and “treatment use” interchangeably to refer to the use of a drug, and of which none clearly identify the stage of development.[vi]
Participants shared numerous examples of requests for expanded access and explained that their companies handle anywhere from a handful to several hundred requests per year. The following selected stories illustrate the wide range of experiences and situations that companies encounter when navigating the complex decisions involved in administering an expanded access program. Several other examples were discussed and the specific participants expressed that they would be willing to share these particular examples publicly.
Chimerix, a 54-employee company based in Durham, North Carolina, is developing the drug brincidofovir and previously had created an intermediate expanded access protocol for the drug (CMX001-350) as encouraged by the FDA following over 200 emergency INDs granted for access to brincidofovir.[vii] One such case was for an armed services member with previously undiagnosed acute myelogenous leukemia who developed life-threatening vaccinia infection following smallpox vaccination in 2009.[viii] The patient received the drug from Chimerix through an emergency IND. After two years, the company had not secured FDA approval for the drug and eliminated expanded access in February 2012 in order to focus on studies which would inform a regulatory decision. In March 2014, Chimerix originally rejected an emergency IND request for 7-year old, Josh Hardy, who was critically ill from disseminated adenovirus infection after bone marrow transplantation. A highly public social media campaign targeted the company in the wake of this decision, and the experience was traumatizing for many of the employees. Following discussion with the FDA, Chimerix initiated a new clinical trial for the treatment of adenovirus infection in order to collect safety and efficacy data to support an NDA submission. Hardy was the first patient enrolled in the clinical trial, and his family reported through several media outlets that he recovered from the adenovirus infection and was discharged home.
One biopharmaceutical company representative described receiving a middle-of-the-night telephone call directly at home, with an emergent, time-sensitive request for an experimental therapy for a critically ill child with a rare acute disease in a foreign pediatric intensive care unit, where regulatory standards were different from those in the U.S. The ideal pediatric dosage was unknown, and only limited safety data and clinical details were available. Urgent efforts were made to gather more information and the request was approved, but despite these efforts the patient did not survive.
Bristol-Myers Squibb began a clinical trial for a cancer drug several years ago.[ix] A woman with pancreatic cancer enrolled in the trial and saw that her tumor was no longer growing. After the 3.5 year trial, the study closed because the drug was deemed ineffective for all other patients and was not approved for further development. However, the company continued to provide the drug for the one woman for whom the drug was effective through a single patient IND for an additional 9 years.
To demonstrate the volume of expanded access requests, one participant showed several messages on his mobile device during the half-day discussion, directly from patients who had located his email addresses through on-line searches, to plead for expanded access to an anticancer therapy.
Broadly, no specific industry-wide consensus on expanded access procedures exists. As a result, there is significant variation in company policies and procedures. During this phase of discussion, participants shared their own company strategies and suggested possible areas of consensus that might form the basis for shared principles and industry-wide practices. These suggestions fell into four categories, which we termed the 4 “A’s”: Anticipation, Accessibility, Accountability, and Analysis (see Figure 1).
First, the group agreed that large and small companies should anticipate the need for and creation of expanded access programs when developing drugs expected to generate expanded access requests and as part of the drug development plan. This is particularly important for drugs that might be considered for priority or breakthrough designation during FDA approval. In these cases, companies should strongly consider developing a written expanded use policy with clear guidelines for inclusion and exclusion, which would also feature a defined review process, clear decision making criteria, and a defined time frame for response to requests. This also allows companies to plan for the demands that may be placed on their supply chain and staff resources to ensure sufficient supply for investigational and expanded use purposes. Identifying a decision maker within each company and for each disease area/product will also help patients or physicians reach the appropriate contact when requesting a drug, as well as assist the company in gaining expertise in responding to these requests. For example, one large company identifies one point of contact for all expanded access requests regarding each product and posts that individual’s contact information on the website.
In the early stages of drug development, supplies of investigational drugs are extremely limited. This is often because the technically-challenging process of optimizing drug product manufacture takes a considerable amount of time. Low yielding manufacture batches are not uncommon at the early phases of research. Some companies do not approve expanded access requests because they do not have enough of the drug in stock to supply these external requests and meet the needs of investigational study patients and individuals participating in clinical trials, an issue which may be particularly acute for biologics. Smaller companies may have more resource constraints, such as inadequate staff to manage requests or supply chain and logistics issues. One representative suggested that if a company had early transparency from regulators about the final numbers of subjects they would be willing to accept to achieve drug development milestones, it would make it much easier for the company to feel less reservation about its drug supply. (It may be beneficial for companies to analyze their financial ability to provide drugs potentially at no cost or when there is not a large enough supply, ideally in a transparent manner.)
Once an expanded access policy is anticipated and developed, the second key principle the group identified was making the policy accessible to all individuals who may qualify. First, for patients, with guidance from their treating physician, the company making the drug should always steer the patient to enter a clinical trial (if they meet eligibility criteria). If the contacted company cannot accommodate the patient, they should steer them to other open trials if possible, even if sponsored by another company. Many of our participants noted that this already occurs.
The group was particularly cognizant of the disparity in access to drug companies and their expanded access programs: patients with savvy social media strategies are more likely to succeed in navigating across organizational constraints than without similar sophistication. The group believes that increased accessibility would assist in making opportunities for expanded access more equitable. In addition, these policies could help educate patients and physicians about submitting legitimate expanded access requests and help decrease the costs of reviewing inappropriate requests on the company (for example, if there are other proven therapies or the situation is not life threatening).
If the patient is ineligible for a trial, the patient should be able to easily access the written expanded access policy online. For example, both large and small companies like Pfizer, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Shire, and Merck post their expanded access policies on their websites, though the terminology may in some cases be complex. In addition, Janssen has developed a video explaining their policies in non-technical terms. Ideally, such policies should be available in some web based or public facing platform to both patients and physicians and written in a clear manner that is jargon free and accessible to individuals at various education levels. Most participants felt strongly that requests for expanded access should originate from a medical provider, not from a patient, since expertise is needed to first screen appropriate candidates. This is consistent with current FDA regulations for an IND, in which a physician or qualified medical expert must sponsor an IND or serve as an investigator under an existing IND for expanded access.
Third, companies should have accountability to the requesting party for expanded use requests that they receive and review them within a specified, transparent amount of time. If the request could not be approved, the company should consider clear communication and provide an explanation of why the request was turned down. In these cases, some participants suggested that the company might also consider instituting an appeals process by which a patient can receive an additional review if not approved, potentially from a non-binding third party such as an independent, multidisciplinary body or a regulatory agency like the FDA. (Two participants, however, were uncomfortable with any third party review.)
Companies can track expanded access requests in order to guarantee that the patient has received follow-up and that the communication loop has been closed. One large pharmaceutical company conducted an internal audit of its expanded access procedures and found that the largest problem was that employees did not know where to find information. Another representative noted that it is important to maintain consistency across patients and the process of requesting a drug.The final principle would encourage companies to release timely analysis of data from expanded access patients. In addition to tracking communication, companies should keep a database of the number of requests and outcomes, in a manner that doesn’t slow getting drugs to needy patients rapidly. One company refined its internal tracking tools to determine who was requesting drugs, for what conditions, and where they lived. Where possible, companies might be encouraged to share anecdotal or preliminary safety or efficacy data from expanded access in peer-reviewed or other refereed venues in a prudent time frame following collections, if this is available or known. This is not always possible, because emergency INDs do not require provision of safety or outcome data to the company.
There are several challenges associated with operationalizing this in the current model, namely the appropriateness of anecdotal data, the level of detailed safety and efficacy data currently available through expanded access, suitability for publication, and funding for these activities in the current budget climate. One potential approach to address this is funding from federal or state regulatory agencies or payers for the reasonable costs of follow-up and reporting outcomes.
The participants then discussed the types of risks, including regulatory and financial, that may affect companies’ expanded access policies. When a company is considering expanded access requests, they consider the risks-benefits of providing the drug outside of a clinical trial as well as the potential for any regulatory issues in an era of litigation and an increased threshold for demonstration of safety. While a company’s provision of a drug for expanded access is voluntary, the FDA does require the company to collect and report safety data. Notably, none of the representatives felt that the FDA is a major regulatory barrier to processing and approving expanded access requests once the sponsor has reviewed the request, assessed the benefit-risk, and determined the request meets FDA requirements and evidentiary standards. In addition, the attendees felt that adverse effects and related liability risk were not of particular concern given that the drugs are assessed on a risk-benefit analysis.
However, companies that make drugs in particularly limited markets with small numbers of patients (for example, for unusual diseases with less than 200,000 patients nationwide which may justify a special designation called “orphan status”) may be more concerned about restrictive labeling if an unusual adverse event occurred even in one or two patients during expanded access of an orphan or small market therapy. However, there is no data of which participants were aware and no public reports that an adverse event during expanded access has harmed regulatory approval.[x] The group opinion was that that safety data would be available eventually in any event and an FDA “safe harbor” provision would not necessarily affect companies’ willingness to accept more requests for expanded access. A final concern was that there is no regulatory mechanism to consider data from expanded access in the evidence generation process for approval.
While the FDA may not serve as a strong barrier to expanded access, the group considered strategies to promote equitable and fair access. For example, some argued that the breakthrough or priority review categories for FDA review might identify products that could have high potential for expanded access requests. This designation expedites “the development and review of drugs for serious or life-threatening conditions.”[xi] As of mid-April 2014, the FDA had received nearly 180 requests for breakthrough designation, with 44 requests granted.[xii] By hastening the drug development process, the FDA has already begun to bring drugs that have a reasonable expectation of benefit to the market faster. In order to receive breakthrough therapy designation, current legislation might be amended so companies could be asked to provide evidence that the 4 A’s are being followed in some capacity.
The FDA might also assist companies in establishing expanded access programs during open clinical trials in two main areas: process and capacity building. First, in terms of process, the FDA could be asked to create a defined path for regulatory approval with provisions that would encourage companies, both large and small, to include plans for expanded access programs when developing a drug. While FDA’s draft guidance related to INDs notes that larger expanded access programs could threaten enrollment in clinical trials,[xiii] and some participants agreed that this was a significant issue, not all companies have had difficulties enrolling patients in both clinical trials and expanded access programs. For example, one large pharmaceutical company left a Phase 1 clinical trial open for a promising therapy while concurrently enrolling individuals who didn’t qualify for open clinical trials into an expanded access program, without appreciable leakage of enrollees in their advanced phase trials that might affect the key development pathway.
Second, the FDA could support convening around capacity building and sharing best practices with companies. With the understanding that there are many small biotechnology or pharmaceutical companies with limited budgets and staff, the FDA could foster a partnership of large and small companies. This partnership could be achieved by convening meetings where companies share their experiences in creating and sustaining expanded access programs. This could be supported by creating a database for these shared ideas, as well as any expanded access data that can be made legally available, such as how many requests are granted or patient outcomes.
To ensure equitable, consistent, and transparent review of requests, some companies suggested the use of an impartial external advisory board. Similar to an unbiased review from an institutional review board (IRB), this committee could have an advisory or decision making function. Companies with supply constraints may feel that if they cannot give the drug to everyone who requests it, then they should give it to no one. This committee could help the company triage the patients who would benefit the most, and would be protected from liability.
The most efficient and equitable way to make new effective treatments to the largest number of needy patients is regulatory approval, accelerated or otherwise, following successful demonstration of efficacy and safety for a given indication in a specific population. Until that process is complete, access to an experimental therapy is by definition an additional risk, as the agreed necessary safety and efficacy have not yet been demonstrated. True informed consent in this setting is difficult to obtain (i.e. studies have shown that severely ill patients, such as those with life-threating circumstances requesting expanded access, had less retention of information discussed in the informed-consent process and less-clear understanding of the risks of therapy compared to healthier patients[xiv]).
One position companies and regulators can consider is that the default answer to expanded access requests should be affirmative, unless there are compelling reasons for not approving requests to patients with life-threatening illnesses. (Such reasons, for example, might include limited treatment supply or lack of reasonable expectation of benefits versus risks.) Such a position would require, however, that there be broader industry, clinician, regulatory, and patient advocacy agreement of shared principles. This paper outlines the experiences, structural principles, and regulatory considerations of a small group, but further meetings may convene a broader group of stakeholders to build upon these concepts. Such consensus-based approaches might lead to durable systems that meet the needs of desperate patients who have run out of options—while allowing innovation to continue to benefit those who may come afterwards.
Acknowledgements: We are grateful for the participation of the following representatives in the roundtable: Jeff Allen (Friends of Cancer Research), Michelle Berrey (Chimerix), Renzo Canetta (Bristol-Myers Squibb), Anne Cropp (Pfizer), Joseph Eid (Merck), Aaron Kesselheim (Harvard Medical School), Howard Mayer (Shire), Jeffrey Murray (FDA), Lilli Petruzzelli (Novartis), Amrit Ray (Janssen), and Robert Truog (Harvard Medical School). We thank Mark McClellan (Brookings Institution) for helpful discussions of this topic and comments on the manuscript, and to the Richard Merkin Foundation for support. The views and opinions expressed in this article were interpreted and organized by the staff of the Brookings Institution. They do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any individual roundtable representative, their companies, or their employers.
References
[i] Gaffney, A. Regulatory Explainer: FDA's Expanded Access (Compassionate Use) Program. Regulatory Focus. 2014. Available from: Regulatory Affairs Professionals Society. Washington, DC. Accessed May 7, 2014.
[ii] U.S. House of Representatives. 113th Congress, 2nd Session. H.R. 4475, Compassionate Freedom of Choice Act of 2014. Washington, Government Printing Office, 2014.
[iii] FAQ: ClinicalTrials.gov- What is “Expanded Access”? U.S. National Library of Medicine Web site. https://www.nlm.nih.gov/services/ctexpaccess.html. Published October 24, 2009. Accessed May 19, 2014.
[iv]Food and Drug Administration. Expanded Access to Investigational Drugs for Treatment Use. Fed Register. 2009;74;40900-40945. Codified at 21 CFR §312 and §316.
[v]Investigational New Drug Application. U.S. Food and Drug Administration Web site. Published October 18, 2013. Accessed May 19, 2014.
[vi] Draft Guidance for Industry: Expanded Access to Investigational Drugs for Treatment Use—Qs & As. U.S. Food and Drug Administration Web site. Accessed May 19, 2014.
[vii] A Multicenter, Open-label study of CMX001 treatment of serious diseases or conditions caused by dsDNA viruses. ClinicalTrials.gov Web site. http://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT01143181 Accessed May 19, 2014.
[viii] Lane, JM. Progressive Vaccinia in a Military Smallpox Vaccinee—United States, 2009. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 2009. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Geo. Accessed May 7, 2014.
[ix] Ryan, DP et al. Phase I clinical trial of the farnesyltransferase inhibitor BMS-214662 given as a 1-hour intravenous infusion in patients with advanced solid tumors. Clin Cancer Res 2004: 10; 2222.
[x] Usdin, S. Viral Crossroads. BioCentury. March 31, 2014. Accessed June 10, 2014.
[xi] Frequently Asked Questions: Breakthrough Therapies. U.S. Food and Drug Administration Web site. Accessed May 19, 2014.
[xii] Breakthrough Therapies. Friends of Cancer Research Web site. http://www.focr.org/breakthrough-therapies. Accessed May 19, 2014.
[xiii]Draft Guidance for Industry: Expanded Access to Investigational Drugs for Treatment Use—Qs & As. U.S. Food and Drug Administration Web site. Published May 2013. Accessed May 19, 2014.
[xiv] Schaeffer MH, Krantz DS, Wichman A, et al. The impact of disease severity on the informed consent process in clinical research. Am J Med 1996;100:261-268.
Contributors: Alice M. Rivlin and Christine Dang-Vu
Recent data suggest that Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs) are improving important aspects of care and some are achieving early cost savings, but there is a long way to go. Not all ACOs will be successful at meeting the quality and cost aims of accountable care. The private sector has to date allowed more flexibility in terms of varying risk arrangements—there are now over 250 accountable care arrangements with private payers in all parts of the country—with notable success in some cases, particularly in ACOs that have been able to move farther away from fee-for-service payments. Future growth of the Medicare ACO program will depend on providers having the incentives to become an ACO and the flexibility to assume different levels of risk, ranging from exclusively upside arrangements to partial or fully capitated payment models.
Given that the first three year cycle of Medicare ACOs ends in 2015 and more providers will be entering accountable care in the coming years, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has indicated that they intend to release a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM) affecting the Medicare ACO program.
In anticipation of these coming changes, the Engelberg Center for Health Care Reform has identified the "Top Eight ACO Challenges" that warrant further discussion and considerations for ensuring the continued success of ACOs across the country. To support that discussion, we also present some potential alternatives to current Medicare policies that address these concerns. These findings build on the experiences of the Engelberg Center’s ACO Learning Network members and other stakeholders implementing accountable care across the country. In some cases, the alternatives might have short-term costs, but could also improve the predictability and feasibility of Medicare ACOs, potentially leading to bigger impacts on improving care and reducing costs over time. In other cases, the alternatives could lead to more savings even in the short term. In every case, thoughtful discussion and debate about these issues will help lead to a more effective Medicare ACO program.
Top Eight ACO Challenges
1. Make technical adjustments to benchmarks and payments
2. Transition to more person-based payments
3. Increase beneficiary engagement
4. Enhance and improve alignment of performance measures
5. Enable better and more consistent supporting data
6. Link to additional value-based payment reforms
7. Develop bonus payments and other incentives to participate
8. Support clinical transformation
For the last several years, the US government has been negotiating a free-trade agreement known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) with 11 other countries across the Asia-Pacific and Latin American regions, which could have major impact on the pharmaceutical market. When finalized it will be the largest free-trade agreement in history, impacting up to one-third of world trade and roughly 40 percent of the global gross domestic product. The deal has attracted a fair share of criticism from a wide range of groups, including concerns over proposed regulations for biologic drugs in participating countries. Specifically, critics are concerned about the length of data exclusivity granted to the companies that hold the patents on these drugs. Below is a primer on biologics and how they are being addressed in the TPP.
Biologic drugs include any therapy derived from a biological source; a group which includes vaccines, anti-toxins, proteins, and monoclonal antibodies. Because they are typically much larger and more structurally complex than traditional ‘small-molecule’ drugs, they are also more difficult—and much more costly—to develop and manufacture. Biologics are also among the most expensive drugs on the market, costing an average of 22 times more than nonbiologic drugs. Avastin, a cancer drug, can cost more than $50,000 a year, while the rheumatoid arthritis drug Remicade can cost up to $2,500 per injection.
Given these high costs, there is substantial interest in encouraging the development of biosimilars, a term used to describe follow-on versions of an original biologic. Estimates of the potential cost savings vary substantially, but some have predicted that competition from biosimilars could reduce US spending on biologics by $44 to $66 billion over the next ten years. In the European Union, biosimilars have been on the market since 2006, and a 2013 analysis found that, for the 14 biosimilars on the market, the average price discount was about 25 percent. By 2020, the overall cost savings are projected to total $16-$43 billion.
After the Affordable Care Act (ACA) was passed in 2010, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) developed an accelerated approval pathway for biosimilars, modeled after the pathway used for the approval of small-molecule generics. In order to meet the criteria for biosimilarity, the drug must share the same mechanism of action for the approved condition of use, and there must be no clinically significant differences between the two drugs in terms of purity, safety, or potency. FDA recently approved its first biosimilar, Zarxio, which is a copy of the oncology drug Neupogen.
Under current FDA regulations, biologic drugs are granted 12 years of data exclusivity following approval. During this period of exclusivity, the FDA may not approve a biosimilar application that relies on the data submitted as part of the original biologic application. This form of temporary monopoly is distinct from patent protection, which is granted well before approval and is not related to clinical data. Data exclusivity does not prevent another company from generating the data independently, but drug companies are unlikely to go to the considerable (and costly) effort of replicating a full course of clinical trials for a drug that is already on the market. (Though biosimilars may need to undergo some additional clinical testing under current FDA regulations, the amount of data required to support approval would certainly be less than what is required for an original biologic approval.)
The 12-year exclusivity period for biologics was established in the ACA following intense debate, and has continued to attract criticism. (By contrast, the period of data exclusivity is just five years for small-molecule drugs.) Supporters argue that given the greater cost and difficulty of bringing a biologic to market a longer period of exclusivity is necessary to incentivize innovation. Others argue that the resulting restrictions on competition keep drug prices unnecessarily high, inevitably putting a strain on the health system and keeping potentially life-saving drugs out of reach for many patients.
For the 11 countries besides the U.S. that are involved in the TPP, current data exclusivity protections range from zero (Brunei) to eight years (Japan). Under the Obama Administration’s current proposal, participating countries would increase those periods to match the US standard of 12 years. Curiously, this proposal directly contradicts the administration’s ongoing domestic efforts to lower the period of data exclusivity. Since the ACA passed, the Obama administration has repeatedly proposed reducing it to seven, arguing that this would save Medicare $4.4 billion over the next decade. Some have noted that, once the 12-year period is enshrined in the TPP, it will become significantly more difficult to change it through the US legislative process. Furthermore, imposing US standards on the 11 member countries would inevitably restrict competition at the global level, and many patient advocacy and international humanitarian organizations have argued that doing so would undermine the efforts of US global health initiatives like the Vaccine Alliance and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, which rely on price competition to manage program costs.
It is unclear whether the US will be successful in its efforts. There have been reports that the issue of data exclusivity has become a significant point of contention, and the US delegation may seek to compromise on its demands. It may, for example, negotiate exceptions for the poorer countries involved in the negotiation, as the Washington Post notes. However, the details of the negotiations are largely confidential, which makes it challenging to assess the possibilities, their relative advantages, or how the US Trade Representative (which is leading the US negotiations) is balancing the need to ensure adequate incentives for innovation with the need to control drug costs and facilitate patient access to potentially life-saving therapies.
Editor's note: Elizabeth Richardson, a research associate in the Center for Health Policy, contributed to the research and writing of this post.
One of the central policy debates of the 2020 presidential contest will be health care. Democratic candidates and President Donald Trump have firm, yet divergent positions on a plethora of specific issues related to individuals’ access to health care. However, despite each party having the opportunity to use the issue to their advantage, both parties…
Editor's note: On March 16, Paul B. Ginsburg testified before the California Senate Committee on Health on fostering competition in consolidated markets. Download the full testimony here.
Mr. Chairman, Madame Vice Chairman and Members of the Committee, I am honored to be invited to testify before this committee on this very important topic. I am a professor of health policy at the University of Southern California and director of public policy at the USC Schaeffer Center for Health Policy and Economics. I am also a Senior Fellow and the Leonard D. Schaeffer Chair in Health Policy Studies at The Brookings Institution, where I direct the Center for Health Policy. Much of my time is now devoted to leading the new Schaeffer Initiative for Innovation in Health Policy, which is a partnership between USC and the Brookings Institution. I am best known in California for the numerous community site visits over many years that I led in the state while I was president of the Center for Studying Health System Change; most of those studies were funded by the California HealthCare Foundation.
The key points in my testimony today are:
Consolidation in health care has been increasing for some time and is now quite extensive in many markets. Some of this comes from mergers and acquisitions, but an important part also comes from larger organizations gaining market share from smaller competitors. The degree of consolidation varies by market. In California, most observers believe that metropolitan areas in the northern part of the state have provider markets that are far more consolidated than those in the southern part of the state. Insurer markets tend to be statewide and are less consolidated than those in many other states. The research literature on hospital mergers is now substantial and shows that mergers lead to higher prices, although without any measured impact on quality.[1]
The trend is accelerating for reasons that are apparent. For providers, it is becoming an increasingly challenging environment to be a small hospital or medical practice. There is more pressure on payment rates. New contracting models, such as Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs), tend to require more scale. The system is going through a challenging transition to electronic medical records, which is expensive and requires specialized expertise to avoid pitfalls. Lifestyle choices by younger physicians lead them to pursue employment in large organizations rather than solo ownerships or partnerships in small practices.
The environment is also challenging for small insurers. Multi-state employers prefer to contract with insurers that can serve all of their employees throughout the country. Scale economies are important in building the analytic capabilities that hold so much promise for effectively managing care. Insurer scale is important to make it worthwhile for providers to contract with them under alternative payment models. The implication of these trends is an expectation of increasing consolidation. There is need for both public and private sector initiatives in addition to anti-trust enforcement to foster greater competition on price and quality.
How can competition be fostered? For the insurance market, public exchanges created under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and private insurance exchanges that serve employers can foster competition among insurers in a number of ways. Exchanges reduce entry barriers by reducing the fixed costs of getting an insurer’s products in front of potential customers. Building a brand is less important when your products will be presented to consumers on an exchange along with information on the benefit design, the actuarial value and the provider network. Exchanges make it easier for consumers to make informed choices across plans. This, in turn, makes the insurance market more competitive. Among public exchanges, Covered California has stood out for making this segment of the insurance market more competitive and helping consumers make choices that are better informed.
The rest of my statement is devoted to fostering competition among providers. I believe that fostering competition among providers is a higher priority because the consequences of lack of competition are potentially larger. In addition, a significant regulatory tool, minimum medical loss ratios, part of the ACA, is now in place and can limit the degree to which purchasers pay too much for health insurance in markets with insufficient competition.
Fostering competition in provider markets involves two prongs—broadened anti-trust policy and other policies to foster market forces. Anti-trust policy, at least at the federal level, to date has not addressed hospital acquisitions of physician practices. These acquisitions lead to higher prices to physicians because hospitals can negotiate higher prices for their employed physicians than the physicians were getting in small practices. Although not yet extensive, a developing research literature is measuring the price impact.[2] Hospital employment of physicians can also be a barrier to physicians steering patients to high-value providers (another hospital or a freestanding provider). To the degree that it reduces the chance of larger physician groups or independent practice associations forming, hospital employment of physicians reduces potential competitors in contracting under alternative payment models.
Another area not addressed by anti-trust policy is cross-market mergers. The concern is that a “must have” hospital in a multi-market system could lead to higher rates for system hospitals elsewhere. Anti-trust enforcement agencies have tended to look at markets separately, so this issue tends not to enter their analyses.
Many have seen price and quality transparency as a tool to foster competition among providers. Clearly, transparency has become a societal value and people increasingly expect more information about organizations that are important to them in both the public and private sector. But transparency is often oversold as a strategy to foster competition in health care provider markets. For one thing, many benefit designs have few incentives to favor providers with lower prices. Copays are the same for all providers and with coinsurance, the insurer covers most of the price difference. Even high deductibles are limited in their incentives because almost all in-patient stays exceed large deductibles and out-of-pocket maximums also come into play for many who are hospitalized. Another issue is that the complexity of comparing prices is a “heavy lift” for many consumers. Insurers and employers now have excellent web tools designed to make it easier for patients to compare prices, but indications are that the tools do not get a lot of use.Network strategies have the potential to be more effective. The concept behind them is that the insurer is acting as a purchasing agent for enrollees. To the extent that they have the potential to shift volume from high-priced providers to low-priced providers, money can be saved in three distinct ways. The first is the higher proportion of services coming from lower-priced providers. The second is the additional discounts from providers seeking to become part of the limited or preferred network. Finally, if a large enough proportion of patients are enrolled in plans with these incentives, providers will likely increase the priority given to cost containment. In creating networks, insurers are increasingly using broader and more sophisticated measures of price as well as some measures of quality. Cost per patient per year or cost for all services involved in an episode is likely to have more relevance than unit prices. Using such measures to judge providers for networks has strong analytic parallels to reformed payment approaches, such as ACOs and bundled payments for episodes of care. Network strategies also create more opportunities for integration of care. For example, a limited network or a preferred tier in a broader network could be mostly limited to providers affiliated with a large health care system. Indeed, some health systems are developing their own health plan or partnering with an insurer to offer plans that favor their own providers.
In this testimony, I discuss two distinct network strategies. One is the limited network, which includes fewer providers than has been the norm in private insurance. The other is the tiered network, where the network is broad but a subset of providers are included in a preferred tier. Patients pay less in cost sharing when they use the preferred providers. Limited networks are a more powerful tool to obtain lower prices because patient incentives are stronger. If patients opt for a provider not in the limited network, they are subject to higher cost sharing and might have to pay the provider the difference between the charge and what the plan allows. Results of these stronger incentives are seen in a number of studies by McKinsey and Co. that have shown that on the public exchanges, limited network plans have premiums about 15 percent lower than plans with broader networks.
Public and private exchanges are an ideal environment for limited network plans. The fixed contributions or subsidies to purchase coverage mean that consumers’ incentives to choose a plan with a lower premium are not diluted—they save the full difference in premium. Exchanges do not have the “one size fits all” requirement that constrains many employers in using this strategy. If an employer is offering only one or two plans, it is important that an overwhelming majority of employees find the network acceptable. But a limited network on an exchange could appeal to fewer than half of those purchasing on the exchange and still be very successful. In addition, tools provided by exchanges to support consumers facilitate comparisons of plans by having each plan’s network accessible on a single web site.
In contrast, tiered networks have the potential to appeal to a larger consumer audience. Rather than making annual choices of which providers can be accessed in network, tiered networks allow these decisions on a point-of-service basis. So the consumer always has the option to draw on the full network. Considering the greater popularity of PPOs than HMOs and the fact that tiered formularies for prescription drugs are far more popular than closed formularies, the potential market for tiered networks might be much larger. But this has not happened. In many markets, dominant providers have blocked the offering of tiered networks by refusal to contract with insurers that do not place them in the preferred tier. This phenomenon was seen in Massachusetts, where 2010 legislation prohibiting this practice led to rapid growth in insurance products with tiered networks.
Some Californians are familiar with a related approach of reference pricing due to the pioneering work that CalPERS has done in this area for state and local employees. Reference pricing is really an “extra strength” version of the tiered network approach. An insurer sets a reference price and patients using providers that charge more are responsible for the difference (although providers sometimes do not charge patients in such plans any more than the reference price). So the incentive to avoid providers whose price exceeds the reference price is quite strong. While CalPERS has had success with joint replacements and some other procedures, a key question is what proportion of medical spending might be suitable to this approach. For reference pricing to be suitable, the services must be “shoppable,” meaning that they must be discretionary with the patient and can be planned in advance. One analysis estimates that only one third of health spending is “shoppable.”[3]
While network approaches have a lot of potential for fostering competition in health care markets, including those that are consolidated, they face a number of challenges that must be addressed. First, transparency about networks must be improved. Consumers need accurate information on which providers are in a network when they choose plans and when they choose providers for care. Accommodation is needed for patients under treatment if their provider should drop out of a network or be dropped from one. Network adequacy regulations are needed to protect consumers from networks that lack access to some specialties or do not have providers close enough to their residence. They are also important to preclude strategies that create networks unlikely to be attractive to patients with expensive, chronic diseases. But if network adequacy regulation is too aggressive, it risks seriously undermining a very promising tool for cost saving. So regulators must very carefully balance consumer protection with cost containment.
Some consider the problem of “surprise” balance bills, charges by out-of-network providers that patients do not choose, to be more significant in limited networks. This may be the case, but the problem is substantial in broader networks as well, and its policy response should apply throughout private insurance.
Another approach to foster competition in provider markets involves steps to foster independent medical practices. Medicare has taken steps to ease requirements for medical practices to contract as ACOs. It recently took some steps to limit the circumstances in which hospital-employed physicians get higher Medicare rates than those in office-based practice. Private insurers have provided support to some practices to incorporate electronic medical records into their practices. To the degree that independent practice can be made more attractive relative to hospital employment, competition in provider markets is likely to increase.
Additional restrictions on anti-competitive behavior by providers can also foster competition. These behaviors include “all or nothing” contracting requirements in which a hospital system requires insurers to contract with all hospitals in the system and “most favored nation” clauses in which insurers get providers to agree not to establish lower rates for other insurers.
Although the focus of discussion about policy in this testimony has been about fostering competition, regulatory alternatives that substitute for competition should not be ignored. At this time, two states—Maryland and West Virginia—regulate hospital rates. Some states, mostly in the Northeast, have been looking at this approach. Although I respect what some states have accomplished with this approach in the past, I need to point out that the current environment poses additional challenges for rate setting. The notion that rates would be the same for all payers, a longstanding component in Maryland, is unlikely to be practical today because rate differences between private insurance, Medicare and Medicaid are so large. So differences would likely have to be “grandfathered.” More practical would be to limit regulation to commercial rates, as West Virginia has done since the 1980s.
Another challenge is that with broad enthusiasm about the prospects for reformed payment, those contemplating rate setting need to make sure that the mechanism encourages payment reform rather than blocks it. Maryland has been quite careful about this and its recent initiative to broaden its program seems promising. But with the recent emphasis on multi-provider approaches to payment, such as ACOs and bundled payment, the limitation of regulatory authority to hospital rates could be a problem.
So what are my bottom lines for legislative priorities? I have two. States should address restrictions on anti-competitive practices such as anti-tiering restrictions, all-or-none contracting restrictions, and most favored nation clauses. My second is to regulate network adequacy wisely. It is a potent tool for fostering competition, even in consolidated markets. Network strategies do have problems that need to be addressed, but it must be done while preserving much of the potency of the approach.
A concluding thought involves acknowledging that provider payment reform approaches are likely to contribute to consolidation. Small hospitals and medical practices are not well positioned to participate, although virtual approaches can often be used in place of mergers, for example as California’s independent practice associations have enabled many small practices to participate. But I see payment reform as having major potential over time to reduce costs and increase quality. So my advice is to proceed with payment reform but also take steps to foster competition. Rate setting is best seen as a “stick in the closet” to use if market approaches should fail to control costs.
[1] Gaynor, M., and R. Town, The Impact of Hospital Consolidation – Update, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Synthesis Report (June 2012).
[2] Baker, L. C., M.K Bundorf and D.P. Kessler, “Vertical Integration: Hospital Ownership Of Physician Practices Is Associated With Higher Prices And Spending,” Health Affairs, Vol. 35, No 5 (May 2014).
[3] Chapin White and Megan Egouchi, Reference Pricing: A Small Piece of the Health Care Pricing and Quality Puzzle. National Institute for Health Care Reform, Research Brief No. 18, October 2014.